Nothing to Lose But Our Chains by Jane Hardy;

Author:Jane Hardy;
Language: eng
Format: epub
Publisher: Book Network Int'l Limited trading as NBN International (NBNi)

Figure 7.3Glasgow women strike for equal pay

Source: Andrew McGowan.

LESSONS, LINKAGES AND LEGACIES

In Glasgow and in Birmingham the working lives of the women who took part in these campaigns and strikes were precarious. Their low wages meant that securing the basics for day-to-day living was a struggle: successive rounds of hikes in energy prices were met with dread, and many of the women had one or even two additional jobs to make ends meet. Juggling demanding work and caring commitments in the family was a constant challenge. However, rather than the togetherness of the factory or office, cleaners and care workers can go without regular contact with their co-workers and narratives of isolation have been used to suggest that collective action is difficult or even impossible. The GMB organiser in Glasgow talked about having to overcome the union bureaucracy’s pessimism about the possibility of organising these women workers and to confront negative attitudes of ‘we can’t find them, they won’t come to meetings’. On the contrary, in Birmingham and Glasgow anger at injustice, and systematic organisation by union organisers and grassroots members, brought women in their hundreds to meetings in packed rooms.

Solidarity was critical for winning these disputes. In Birmingham pressure on employers from coordinated industrial action in other branches of Unison could have won the dispute more quickly. However, support from other workers in terms of invitations to speak at meetings and donations to the strike fund were crucial in supporting the women materially, raising their morale and keeping the dispute going. In Glasgow ordinary union members from other departments simply defied anti-trade union legislation, refused to cross picket lines and closed down the city. The giant trade union, Unison, the only player in Birmingham and one of the key players in Glasgow, threw significant resources and support behind both disputes. As we shall see later, there are instances where Unison has tried to exert much stronger top-down control over the pace and rhythm of some disputes in comparison with others. However, in Glasgow union officials and organisers from Unison and the GMB were forced to respond to members’ demands for action that welled up from below. In the case of Birmingham, a combination of constant pressure exerted by the branch on the national leadership of Unison and a supportive regional secretary allowed the action to be led by initiatives from, and the democratic decisions of, the branch. However, the self-limiting action of Unison nationally and their failure to ‘sing the victory of these workers from the rooftops’, as one activist put it, meant the opportunity to generalise the lessons of the dispute were squandered.

Beyond the crucial material benefits won, the disputes threw up new leaders and activists and engendered a surge in confidence. In Birmingham the Unison union branch was invigorated, with new stewards elected and undergoing training. Mandy, who became a leading activist among Birmingham care workers, talked about how the dispute was ‘life changing’, and how she had gained in confidence in negotiating with management and supporting other workers.

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